동북아역사재단 NORTHEAST ASIAN HISTORY FOUNDATION 로고 동북아역사재단 NORTHEAST ASIAN HISTORY FOUNDATION 로고 Newsletter

김구와 장제스
Kim Koo and Chiang Kai-shek After having moved to Shanghai in exile right after the March 1st Movement, Kim Koo was named the director of police affairs when the Provisional Government launched, became the director of domestic affairs in 1922, and then became premier in late 1926. Yet it was after Yun Bong-gil’s patriotic deeds on April 29, 1932 that he emerged as the central figure of the Provisional Government. This can be concluded based on a statement made by Chiang Kai-shek, China’s supreme military and political leader from 1928 through 1949. Chiang, who is famous for having kept a diary during his lifetime, wrote a diary entry on April 30, 1932, the day after the bombing incident. In this entry, he wrote that he found out through newspaper reports, mentioning that Koreans, Yun Bong-gil and An Chang-ho were the masterminds. Thus, one can assume that Chiang was not well aware of Kim Koo until this time. As Japan’s investigations into and pressure on Korean independence fighters in Shanghai intensified following the bombing, Kim Koo sent statement letters to a few newspapers in China and revealed that Yun’s patriotic deeds were executed according to his plan. In the statement entitled, “The Truth Surrounding the Bombing Incident at Hongkou Park,” (today, Lu Xun Park) that was published in the May 10 editions of China’s major newspapers, Kim revealed, in detail, his and Yun’s profiles and the progress and objectives of the heroic bombing. It is presumed that on this day, Chiang learned that Kim Koo stood behind Yun Bong-gil and began to help Kim escape, while offering him personal security through organizations related to Kuomintang of China. A report sent to Chiang by Kong Pei-cheong under the command of Kuomintang’s Organization Department member, Xiao Zing, in early July 1932 states, “It would be better to offer Kim Koo support because he says he can form an independence army of Koreans in the northeastern region, cooperate with China’s volunteer corps, and conduct joint anti-Japan operations if we provide him with weapons.”
Bae Gyeong-han(research professor at Korean Studies Institute, Pusan National University)
‘아마 박물관’ 타이완 일본군‘위안부’의 삶을 담은 곳
AMA Museum, Home to the Stories of Taiwanese Comfort Women Taiwan’s “House of Grandmothers – Museum of Peace and Women’s Human Rights (AMA Museum),” which opened in December 2016, displays photos and videos containing the lives of 59 Taiwanese victims of Japanese military’s sexual slavery. Founded as Taiwan’s first base of human rights for comfort women, the museum is also in charge of diverse social education programs, including education on women’s human rights. The construction of the museum was led by the Taipei Women’s Rescue Foundation, a civilian organization in Taiwan. What prompted the foundation’s interest in Japanese military comfort women was the testimony given by Mrs. Kim Hak-sun. After Kim’s testimony in 1991 revealed the existence of Japanese military comfort women, the foundation began to investigate to see if there were women who suffered similarly in Taiwan, which was also a colony of Japan. In 1992, the foundation discovered documents showing Taiwanese women’s roles as comfort women in brothels and immediately formed a “Comfort Women Team” to carry out investigations on comfort women in Taiwan and to demand compensation from Japan. So far, the foundation has collected 5,042 pieces of historical data, videos, and books and 730 articles related to comfort women while helping to take care of surviving comfort women. The AMA Museum both stores and displays these records. Located on Dihua Street, a street in Taiwan famous for its traditional markets, the museum is easily accessible. There is a lovely coffee shop on the ground floor at the entrance of the museum where visitors can drink tea and buy souvenirs.
Kim Jeong-hyun(researcher at Research Center on Japanese Military Comfort Women, Northeast Asian History Foundation)
되짚어 보는 3·1운동 이전의 세계사
World History Before Revisiting the March 1st Movement The March 1st Movement in 1919 was the consequence of our own proactive response to changes in world order for the sake of independence. World War I was the incident that symbolically demonstrates changes in world order at that time. World War I, that broke out in 1914, ended with the conclusion of a peace treaty that was signed by the Allies, including Britain and Germany, in Palace of Versailles on June 29, 1919. The Allies claimed that the Versailles Treaty was intended to establish peace, but it was in fact supporting the restoration of international order as it was before World War I. French Prime Minister Clemenceau, who concurrently served as the Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary at the Paris Peace Conference, argued for the conference to open on January 18. After Germany’s victory in the Franco-Prussian War in 1871, the German Emperor’s coronation ceremony took place on January 18 at Versailles Palace, thus marking the beginning of the German Empire. To France, the restoration of world order meant that the world would return to the way it was during the era before the Franco-Prussian War. Yet the restoration aroused concern about revenge against Germany. In preparation for this, France occupied Rhineland and created a buffer zone. This post-war uneasiness was not a situation that France and Germany faced alone, but one which the entire world faced.
Shin Hyo-seung(researcher at Institute on Korea-Japan Historical Issues, Northeast Asian History Foundation)